(David Rohde is a Reuters columnist but his opinions are his
own.)
By David Rohde
June 21 (Reuters) – Alper, a 26-year-old Turkish corporate
lawyer, has benefited enormously from Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan’s rule. He is one of millions of young Turks who
rode the country’s economic boom to a lifestyle his grandparents
could scarcely imagine.
Yet he loathes Erdogan, participated in the Taksim Square
demonstrations, and is taking part in the new “standing man”
protests in Istanbul.
“The prime minister is continuing to blatantly lie about the
demonstrations,” said Alper, who asked that his last name not be
used because he feared arrest. “People are actually scared that
if they stop this momentum, then the government will feel free
to exercise more force.”
From Turkey to Brazil to Iran the global middle class is
awakening politically. The size, focus and scope of protests
vary, but this is not unfolding chaos – it is nascent democracy.
Citizens are demanding basic political rights, accountable
governments and a fairer share of resources.
The movements may lose their way. The demonstrations will
have a limited long-term impact if they fail to become organized
political movements. And the violence and criminality that
erupted during some protests in Brazil have prompted a popular
backlash.
Overall, though, Americans jaded about world affairs should
see the activism as positive. The protesters are performing the
same role as middle classes have in developed nations. As their
standard of living rises, so do their expectations of
government.
The political dynamic in each country is different, of
course. In Turkey, the protests are not the equivalent of the
Arab Spring demonstrations that toppled governments across the
Middle East. Nor are they simply a pitched battle between
religious conservatives and secular liberals. Instead, they are
deeply Turkish – and hugely important.
After decades of the Turkish state reigning supreme, young
Turks are demanding pluralism and basic individual rights. The
Turkish state should be accountable to the people, they argue,
instead of the people being accountable to the state.
“Basic freedoms such as the right to peaceful assembly are
undermined by police and government,” Alper said in an email.
“There have been no significant repercussions for police
officers and their superiors.”
For years, Soli Ozel, a professor of International Relations
and Political Science at Istanbul Bilgi University, scoffed at
Westerners who viewed Turkey as a model for the Middle East. The
new protests, however, make him feel the label may apply.
“After this unprecedented mobilization,” he said in a
telephone interview, “we now have a very vibrant and very much
alive civil society.”
Brazil presents a different dynamic. The ruling Workers’
Party is left-leaning and its economic reforms have helped the
poor and middle class. But now a souring economy, corruption
scandals and $12 billion in government spending on 2014 World
Cup stadiums has sparked one million people to take to the
streets.
Marcelo Ridenti, a leading Brazilian sociologist, said
reduced inequality and increased education have raised
expectations. The number of university students in Brazil, for
example, doubled from 2000 to 2011.
“This generates huge changes in society, including changes
in expectations among young people,” he told the New York Times.
“They expect to get not only jobs, but good jobs.”
Recent events in Iran are more difficult to discern. While
Brazil and Turkey’s political systems are relatively open,
Iran’s is tightly controlled. Until last weekend’s presidential
election, hard-line religious leaders seemed to have tightened
their grip on power after crushing the country’s 2009 Green
Revolution.
In a surprise result, cleric Hassan Rohani won a sweeping
victory in presidential elections last weekend. Pro-reform and
urban Iranians frustrated with the country’s weak economy,
isolation and conservative monopoly on power apparently handed
Rohani the presidency. Rohani may prove to be more conservative
than expected, but his victory prompted thousands of Iranians to
take to the streets.
“I am hopeful about the future,” Hoda, a 26-year-old who
asked that her last name not be used, told Reuters. “Hopeful
that we will have more social freedoms, more stability in Iran,
better relations with other countries and hopefully a much
better economy.”
Comparing political movements in different countries carries
risks. Societies vary enormously. But observers see parallels
between Brazil’s protests, India’s anti-corruption movement,
austerity protests in Europe, the U.S. Occupy Movement and
similar demonstrations in Israel.
My focus on Turkey, Brazil and Iran is driven by recent
events and optimism. Positive dynamics are at work in all three
nations.
First, the explosive spread of social media played a role in
the movements. Networks of like-minded people were able to
immediately communicate with one another and potential recruits.
Some online information has been false or restricted, but
technological change has unquestionably sped up the pace of
political organizing.
Second, all three movements are demanding basic individual
rights and accountable government. They want non-corrupt leaders
who respect their right to protest, gather and speak freely.
From minority rights in Turkey, to fair elections in Iran, to
better policing, healthcare and transit in Brazil, protesters
want improved governance.
There will be setbacks, excesses and confusion in the weeks
ahead. But the burgeoning middle class activism in Turkey, Iran
and Brazil should be hailed. Like their brethren in developed
countries, they are a check on government excess and create
stronger, more vibrant societies.
(David Rohde is a columnist for Reuters, two-time winner of
the Pulitzer Prize and a former reporter for The New York Times.
His latest book, “Beyond War: Reimagining American Influence in
a New Middle East,” was published in April.)
(David Rohde)
