Nearly two weeks have passed since the war began between the United States and Israel on one side, and the Islamic Republic of Iran on the other. For Iranians inside the country and across the diaspora, the psychological and emotional weight of this conflict has become overwhelming.
Every night at midnight in Chicago — when it is morning in Tehran — I wait anxiously for a call from Iran, hoping to hear that my family has survived another night of missile strikes. Since the first days of the war, the Iranian government has largely shut down internet access. Ordinary citizens are unable to connect online even for basic daily needs. Direct phone lines from outside Iran rarely function, and when they do, communication is difficult and expensive. Families inside Iran struggle to make brief calls to relatives abroad. When a connection finally goes through, the message is often simple: “We are alive.”
These short messages circulate among communities abroad, helping families reassure one another that their loved ones have survived another night.
Inside Iran, residents report that the intensity of attacks has increased in recent nights. Airstrikes targeting oil depots and refineries around Tehran and other cities have raised fears that gasoline and diesel supplies could soon become scarce. If fuel shortages deepen, it could disrupt transportation and the delivery of essential goods and food into Tehran.
Meanwhile, political developments inside Iran are shifting rapidly — sometimes by the hour, sometimes by the minute. Airstrikes continue to target military bases and locations believed to house commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Explosions in residential areas suspected of sheltering military officials have reportedly killed numerous regime figures. In addition, several targeted killings have reportedly occurred during the day, including attacks on vehicles carrying military commanders on Tehran’s highways.
Yet, the most consequential development has been the announcement that Mojtaba Khamenei has been chosen as the new supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. The decision has triggered widespread debate and criticism. Mojtaba is the second son of Iran’s previous supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. For many Iranians, he has long been viewed as a shadowy figure operating behind the scenes of Iranian politics.
His name first became widely known among the public during the 2009 Green Movement protests, when demonstrators chanted in the streets: “Mojtaba, may you die before you see the day you become leader.”
In the early days following the explosion that reportedly killed his parents, his wife and one of his children, rumors circulated that Mojtaba himself had also been killed. Shortly afterward, however, Iran’s Assembly of Experts — the constitutional body responsible for selecting the supreme leader — announced that Mojtaba Khamenei would assume leadership of the Islamic Republic.
Despite long-standing rivalries among senior Iranian politicians — many of whom hold powerful political positions and control significant economic resources — these factions quickly set aside their differences and pledged loyalty to him. Among the most notable figures publicly offering congratulations were former President Hassan Rouhani and Ali Larijani, both members of influential political families within the regime.
Even several days after his appointment, however, uncertainty remains about his condition. No audio or video message from the new supreme leader has been released. This absence has fueled speculation that he may not be able to speak publicly — or that he may have been severely injured during the initial strike.
Today, Iran’s ambassador to Cyprus told The Guardian that Mojtaba Khamenei was present at the same location as the previous leader during the attack and sustained injuries to his legs, arms and hands. According to the ambassador, he is hospitalized. This statement suggests that earlier speculation — that he might be physically unable to address the public — may not have been entirely unfounded.
For years, Mojtaba Khamenei has been described as someone with close ties to commanders of the Revolutionary Guard and as a key intermediary between them and his father. In effect, he spent at least two decades positioning himself to succeed Ali Khamenei.
Despite this, he has rarely appeared in public life. Unlike most political leaders, he has never delivered major speeches to the public or played a visible executive role. Nevertheless, rumors about his influence inside his father’s office circulated widely for years. Former presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi once wrote an open letter criticizing what he described as the emerging hereditary nature of leadership in Iran and pointing to Mojtaba Khamenei’s behind-the-scenes role.
According to Iran’s constitution, the supreme leader is expected to possess high-level religious scholarship and the capacity to manage national affairs — especially during times of crisis and war. Yet today, neither Mojtaba Khamenei’s level of religious authority nor his current physical condition is entirely clear.
While President Donald Trump has suggested that the war could end soon, developments inside Iran suggest that the conflict may not conclude quickly. Iranian authorities have already begun tightening control over the Strait of Hormuz, signaling that escalation could continue.
For ordinary Iranians, however, the most immediate concerns are closer to home. Reports have emerged that military forces are increasingly sheltering inside schools and underground hospital facilities. Some residents claim missile launchers have been placed under bridges and along major highways — positions that effectively place them near civilian populations. Critics argue that these tactics risk turning ordinary citizens into human shields, discouraging Israeli or American drone strikes or amplifying the civilian cost if attacks occur.
Many Iranians see this as further evidence that the government places little value on the safety of its citizens.
Adding to these fears, Iran’s national police commander, Gen. Ahmad Reza Radan, recently warned that if citizens attempt to protest in the streets, authorities will treat them the same way they treat foreign enemies. “Our hands are on the trigger,” he said.
For this reason, many Iranians worry that once the war ends, the country may be left with a wounded and even more aggressive government still firmly in power — while the structure of leadership, institutions and laws remains fundamentally unchanged.
Pegah Banihashemi, a native of Iran, is a legal scholar and journalist in Chicago whose work focuses on human rights, constitutional and international law, and Middle East politics.
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