By almost any measure, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe has done a spectacular job in office. He has improved public safety dramatically–no small feat in a country at war with itself for approximately 40 years–while keeping the economy humming. He is the Bush administration’s favorite son among Latin American leaders. In Colombia, Uribe’s approval ratings approach public adoration, as high as 80 percent according to some polls.
Uribe says he needs four more years to negotiate a way out of the civil war that has killed more than 35,000 people, and to complete other items on his agenda. So at the behest of his supporters, Congress has abrogated a provision in the Colombian Constitution that limits presidents to one term. Now Colombia’s Constitutional Court, meeting in marathon sessions, is considering whether Congress acted properly. A decision may come this week.
The pull to retain Uribe may be strong. No likely presidential successor enjoys Uribe’s charisma or popular support. There’s also the possibility that without Uribe’s tough policies the country could relapse into violence. About a week ago a close political ally of Uribe narrowly survived a car bomb attack that injured several bodyguards and bystanders–a warning that recent gains in public security are not yet secure. Economists and some foreign investors also predict a decision against a second term for Uribe could affect confidence in Colombia’s economy.
Despite Uribe’s stellar performance, though, there are reasons to worry about this effort. Latin America has two long-standing, and dangerous, political traditions: strongmen who justify their authoritarian ways as necessary to save the country from some imminent catastrophe and a tendency to treat constitutions as silly putty that can be molded to suit political expediency. Unchecked presidential power, fueled by a belief in national saviors, has quite often led to authoritarian rule in Latin America.
Colombia has far stronger democratic traditions than most of its neighbors and so far Uribe seems to be following the rules on the way to a second term. Still, there have been allegations that he tried to grease the congressional vote in favor of a constitutional amendment by offering jobs to relatives of some legislators. Some Uribe allies floated rumors that guerrillas and narcotraffickers had threatened members of the Constitutional Court to pressure them to vote against re-election.
This has left some political analysts in Colombia with the uneasy feeling that Uribe–who ran as a selfless leader interested only in solving the country’s crises–may have succumbed to the lure of power.
Uribe has served Colombia admirably during one of the most critical moments in its history. He need not worry about his legacy. His most significant contribution now would be to call off the drive for re-election, groom someone who can run as a successor and if elected continue the work of bringing peace to this battered country. To edit the constitution so he can remain president will tarnish both Uribe’s remarkable accomplishments and Colombia’s gains toward constitutional order.
