When federal authorities began intercepting calls at Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s home and bugging his campaign offices less than two months ago, even the most cynical among them were shocked.
The governor whose administration had spent years under investigation for pay-to-play politics was alleged to be trading for even the Senate seat vacated by President-elect Barack Obama.
On Tuesday, the covert probe went public, stunning a city and a state that seemingly had seen it all. A governor who just a day before challenged anyone to tape him stood humbled before a judge, wearing running clothes slipped on before being taken from his home in handcuffs in a pre-dawn FBI operation.
The governor and his chief of staff, John Harris, were charged with two counts in a 76-page criminal complaint that seemed to grow more outrageous by the page. Authorities alleged the wrongdoing began as early as 2002, before Blagojevich even took office as governor:
*Conspiring to commit mail and wire fraud by cashing in on Blagojevich’s entire six-year tenure, including his pick to succeed Obama in the Senate;
*Solicitation of bribery for threatening to withhold state assistance from Tribune Co. for Wrigley Field renovations if company leaders didn’t oust editorial writers who had been sharply critical of Blagojevich.
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On filling the Senate seat
What it’s about: Blagojevich allegedly moved to enrich himself through naming a successor to Obama.
Allegations: One exchange describes how Blagojevich floated the name of Valerie Jarrett, an Obama adviser who would be Obama’s top choice for his seat. Blagojevich was taped saying the price had to be right or he would just appoint himself.
Authorities alleged that the undercover recordings revealed Blagojevich was willing to exchange the Senate nod for a number of prizes, including a high-salary job at a foundation, a seat for his wife on a corporate board, campaign funds or even an ambassadorship for himself.
By this month, Blagojevich had shifted some of his attention to a Senate candidate who might be able to cut a deal and provide something “tangible upfront.”
But Blagojevich wanted a message delivered to the candidate discreetly, cautioning to “assume everybody’s listening.”
But the next day a front-page article in the Tribune revealed the governor had been secretly recorded, prompting him to advise a go-between to “undo your thing,” a reference authorities said was to back out of any deal on the Senate seat.
WHAT BLAGOJEVICH SAID …
During a conversation with Harris on Nov. 11, Blagojevich said he knew Obama wanted Senate Candidate 1 for the open seat but:
“They’re not willing to give me anything except appreciation. [Expletive] them.”
On Nov. 12, Blagojevich told Harris his decision about the open Senate seat would be based on three criteria in the following order of importance:
“Our legal situation, our personal situation, my political situation. This decision, like every other one, needs to be based upon on that. Legal. Personal. Political.”
On Nov. 3, Blagojevich told Adviser A:
“I’m going to keep this Senate option for me a real possibility, you know, and therefore I can drive a hard bargain. You hear what I’m saying. And if I don’t get what I want and I’m not satisfied with it, then I’ll just take the Senate seat myself. . . . [the Senate seat] is a [expletive] valuable thing, you just don’t give it away for nothing.”
On Dec. 4, Blagojevich told Adviser B he was going to give Senate Candidate 5 greater consideration for Obama’s seat because the person would raise money for Blagojevich if he ran for another term as governor. In an earlier telephone conversation recorded on Oct. 31, Blagojevich described an approach by an associate of Senate Candidate 5 as:
“‘pay to play.’ That, you know, he’d raise 500 grand. An emissary came. Then the other guy would raise a million, if I made [Senate Candidate 5] a Senator.”
During a two-hour telephone conversation with various people on Nov. 12, Blagojevich talked about securing high-paying jobs for him and his wife in exchange for the Senate seat:
He said he is “struggling” financially and does “not want to be governor for the next two years.”
Blagojevich raised the idea of creating a non-profit group for him to lead. On Nov. 11, he asked Adviser A if:
“They (believed to be Obama and his associates) can get Warren Buffett and others to put $10, $12 or $15 million into the organization.”
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On the Tribune, the Cubs
What it’s about: Last month, Blagojevich was captured discussing Tribune Co.’s desire to obtain financial assistance from the Illinois Finance Authority for the sale of Wrigley Field. Blagojevich and Harris allegedly tried to use their power to force the company to fire editorial board members who had been critical of the governor.
Allegations: No firings, no financing.
Blagojevich was on a call with a deputy governor discussing another negative editorial on Nov. 3 when his wife, Patricia, could be heard in the background saying “to hold up that [expletive] Cubs [expletive] … [expletive] them.”
Blagojevich said Tribune owner Sam Zell should be told “maybe we can’t do this now. Fire those [expletives].”
Harris allegedly met with a Tribune financial adviser and was told the message had been received.
When Blagojevich got word on Dec. 4 about a round of personnel cuts at the newspaper, he allegedly inquired whether one editorial board member who he felt had particularly been unfair had lost his job. On learning that writer had not been laid off, Blagojevich asked to bring up his employment again with the Tribune financial adviser.
WHAT BLAGOJEVICH AND HARRIS SAID …
The complaint alleges that Blagojevich directed Harris to inform owners of the Chicago Tribune that the state would withhold financial assistance for the sale of Wrigley Field unless members of the Tribune editorial board — which had backed a governor-recall provision for the state — were fired:
“Our recommendation is fire all those [expletive] people, get ’em the [expletive] out of there and get us some editorial support.”
On Nov. 6, the day of a Tribune editorial critical of Blagojevich, Harris told Blagojevich that he told a Tribune financial adviser the previous day that things:
“look like they could move ahead fine but, you know, there is a risk that all of this is going to get derailed by your own editorial page.”
Blagojevich suggested that Harris or someone else should go to the Tribune’s owner and say:
“Look, we’ve got decisions to make now . . . moving this stuff forward [believed to be state assistance with the Cubs sale] . . . someone’s gotta go to [the Tribune owner], we want to see him . . . it’s a political [expletive] operation in there.”
During a subsequent telephone conversation on Nov. 4, Blagojevich told Harris that because of the impeachment editorials in the Tribune:
“We don’t know if we can take a chance on this [Wrigley Field deal] now. I don?t want to give them grounds to impeach me.”
During a Nov. 11 telephone conversation with Harris, Blagojevich discussed potential Tribune staff cutbacks. Harris told Blagojevich that the Tribune financial adviser talked to the Tribune owner and the owner “got the message and is very sensitive to the issue.” Harris told Blagojevich that according to the Tribune financial adviser, there would be:
“Certain corporate reorganizations and budget cuts coming and, reading between the lines, he’s going after that section.” Blagojevich responded. “Oh. That’s fantastic.” After further discussion, Blagojevich said, “Wow. OK, keep our fingers crossed. You’re the man. Good job, John.”
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On the politics of pay-to-play
What it is: Trading state jobs, posts and contracts for money.
Allegations: Since taking office in early 2003, Blagojevich is alleged to have schemed to reap financial benefits for him, his family and campaign committee in return for state hiring, state contracts and appointments to state posts. Many of these allegations against Blagojevich were aired at the trial of Antoin “Tony” Rezko, a friend and fundraiser to the governor who was convicted in June in the federal probe.
In a scheme cited by prosecutors Tuesday, Blagojevich backed $8 million for Children’s Memorial Hospital but sought a $50,000 campaign donation in return.
WHAT BLAGOJEVICH SAID …
Individual A told federal investigators that Blagojevich was trying to raise $2.5 million in campaign contributions by the end of the year. After an Oct. 6 meeting, Blagojevich told Individual A he was going to announce a $1.8 billion tollway project and planned to hit up a highway contractor for a $500,000 political contribution:
“I could have made a larger announcement but wanted to see how they perform by the end of the year. If they don’t perform, [expletive] ’em.”
On Oct. 8, Blagojevich discussed an $8 million construction grant for Children’s Memorial Hospital. He then refers to what is believed to be a $50,000 campaign contribution:
“I want to get [the hospital’s chief executive officer] for 50.”
On Nov. 13, Blagojevich and Individual A discussed $60,000 raised the night before by the president of an engineering firm that was awarded $10 million in state contracts between 2004 and 2008. Blagojevich then called the contractor and referred to a legislative logjam over a multibillion dollar state construction bill:
“I want to thank you again for your support and friendship and we are going to do everything we can to get that capital bill.”
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Read the full complaint
Visit chicagotribune.com/complaint
