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By Mark Hosenball

WASHINGTON, April 10 (Reuters) – When the Obama

administration declared it wanted to put suspects involved in

the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on trial in a New York federal

courtroom, cries of outrage erupted in the U.S. Congress.

Both Democrats and Republicans worried this would put New

York City in the crosshairs for new al Qaeda attacks. Congress

eventually passed a law forbidding the administration from

trying alleged Sept. 11 conspirators, or any other militants

detained at the U.S. military facility at Guantanamo, Cuba, in

U.S. civilian courts.

But when it comes to the cases of five alleged top militants

whose extradition from Britain to the United States a European

human rights court approved on Tuesday, the White House will

have no choice.

British and U.S. officials said the Obama administration had

given ironclad assurances to Prime Minister David Cameron’s

government that the five militants would be tried in the U.S.

federal court system, and they would not face a potential

sentence of capital punishment.

Three of the five to whom the European court ruling on

Tuesday applied – Abu Hamza, Khalid al Fawwaz and Adel Bary –

have all been under indictment for years in the U.S. Southern

District of New York.

Law enforcement officials said that prosecutors, whose

courtrooms are only blocks from the site of the World Trade

Center towers downed in 2011, are prepared to try the cases if

the suspects finally are extradited from Britain.

The officials noted that several notorious militants,

including Ramzi Yousef, alleged mastermind of the 1993 World

Trade Center bombing, were prosecuted and convicted in the same

courts and are now serving lengthy U.S. prison terms.

Some are being held in ultra-secure “Supermax” prisons where

the European court said U.S. authorities might be entitled to

jail the five extradition subjects if they are convicted.

But for political, as well as other reasons, civilian trials

for alleged militants lately have been the exception rather than

the rule in high-profile counter-terrorism cases.

Tuesday’s European court action appears unlikely to

permanently change that – or alter President Barack Obama’s

preferred approach in fighting militants, which centers on

clandestine operations and lethal drone strikes.

Indeed, just last week, the Pentagon announced that the

accused Sept. 11 mastermind, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, and a

handful suspected co-conspirators will be tried before a U.S.

military tribunal at Guantanamo, and could face the death

penalty.

1998 U.S. EMBASSY BOMBINGS

The extradition cases demonstrate how what President George

W. Bush once called the “global war on terrorism” has evolved in

the years since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

In fact, the cases of all the men whose extraditions the

European court approved have their roots in events that took

place before the Sept. 11 attacks.

Two of them, Fawwaz, a Saudi citizen, and Bary, an Egyptian,

face charges in connection with 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies

in Tanzania and Kenya, a case which also included the first U.S.

criminal charges against Osama bin Laden. At the time of the

embassy attacks, Fawwaz was alleged by investigators to be

acting as one of bin Laden’s principal Western spokesmen.

The charges against the best known of the five – a former

London-based preacher known as Abu Hamza – also date back before

2001. The Justice Department alleges that he was involved in a

conspiracy to take hostages in connection with a 1998 attack in

Yemen in which four hostages died, and also claims Abu Hamza was

involved in a scheme to set up a training camp for militants in

Bly, Oregon, in 1999 and 2000.

Once evidence began to accumulate after the Sept. 11

attacks, – some of it in the form of Abu Hamza’s public behavior

– he was connected to Zacarias Moussaoui, a French militant

linked to some of the Sept. 11 suspects, and Richard Reid, a

British militant who tried to attack a U.S.-bound airliner with

a bomb hidden in his shoe.

Under U.S. pressure, Abu Hamza, who has a hook for one of

his hands which he said was blown off in Afghanistan, was

eventually driven out of his pulpit at the Finsbury Park mosque

in North London. U.S. authorities did not file charges against

him until 2004.

The two other suspects whose extradition was given a green

light both face trial in federal court in Connecticut for

offenses that also pre-dated the Sept. 11 attacks.

Babar Ahmad and Syed Ahsan are accused by U.S. authorities

of operating pro-al Qaeda websites from 1997 to 2004, and also

of being in contact with a sympathetic U.S. serviceman.

All five suspects were detained in Britain for years without

trial. The case of Ahmad, detained for seven years, became a

cause celebre for human rights activists and some British

members of Parliament.

From the point of view of U.S. counter-terrorism officials

the cases surrounding the five are too dated to be relevant to

their current efforts.

Still, the Obama administration would undoubtedly like to

use any U.S. trials of the extradited subjects to showcase the

openness and equities of the U.S. legal system.

The cutting edge of the Obama administration’s

counter-terrorism policies, however, is not the criminal justice

system, but the use of clandestine operations, and particularly

expanding drone warfare campaigns, against militants in

suspected sanctuaries in Pakistan and Yemen.

Even smooth extraditions and U.S. trials of the suspects

held in London are unlikely to alter that policy.

(Reporting by Mark Hosenball; Editing by Jackie Frank)