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* Economy improved over course of 2012

* “Was always Obama’s race to lose”

* Victory won’t help break gridlock in Washington

* Tough choices ahead for Republicans

By Andy Sullivan

WASHINGTON, Nov 7 (Reuters) – In the end, President Barack

Obama won re-election on the issue that was supposed to send him

packing: the sluggish U.S. economy.

The United States is still digging out from the deepest

recession in 80 years, and employers are barely adding enough

jobs to keep pace with population growth. Trillions of dollars

of household wealth have vanished in the housing bubble, while

the gap between rich and poor widens.

But historically, voters have given a second term to

incumbent presidents who preside over even modest economic

growth during an election year.

That pattern appears to have held for Obama. If the economy

is not exactly roaring ahead, it improved steadily over the

course of the year.

“It was never going to be a landslide,” said John Sides, a

political science professor at George Washington University.

“But it was always his race to lose.”

The Democratic president took major steps to boost the

economy, but they did not seem to help him much in the eyes of

voters. Polls show deep divisions on the merits of his 2009

stimulus, his Dodd-Frank financial reforms and the auto industry

bailout.

But they made a difference in one important place. Obama

campaigned heavily on the auto bailout in Ohio, where 1 in 8

jobs is tied to the industry.

That may have helped him limit his losses there among white

men, a slice of the electorate that Romney won heavily

elsewhere.

According to Reuters/Ipsos exit polls, Obama lost white men

nationwide by 21 percentage points. In Ohio, he lost white men

by only 12 points.

Obama was also helped by the fact that voters largely blame

the recession on his Republican predecessor, President George W.

Bush. Obama made that a central part of his campaign message as

he argued that Romney would bring back policies that

precipitated the crash.

If the Romney campaign wanted to focus the election on

Obama’s economic stewardship, the Obama campaign wanted to make

it a choice between two candidates.

Obama’s campaign attacked early with a barrage of negative

advertising that painted the multimillionaire former

private-equity executive as a corporate raider with little

concern about the fortunes of ordinary people.

The attacks drew unflattering comparisons to Obama’s

historic 2008 run for office, but they discredited Romney in the

eyes of many voters.

“A lot of middle-class white people who don’t have a college

degree came to the conclusion that Romney’s just not one of us,”

said Potomac Research Group analyst Greg Valliere.

GRIDLOCK AHEAD

Obama’s narrow re-election victory will not strike fear in

the hearts of Republicans, who remain in control of the House of

Representatives. Obama’s Democrats held on to the Senate, but

fewer moderates of either party will be in the mix.

That is a recipe for more gridlock and white-knuckle

showdowns over taxes and spending. Reaching consensus on even

the most routine legislation will be difficult.

“There’s not going to be a lot of goodwill on the Hill,”

said Princeton University history professor Julian Zelizer. “The

party lines will be hardened after this election.”

The increased polarization may make governing more

difficult, but it made campaigning easier for Obama. In an age

of intense partisan sentiment, Obama enjoyed more reliable

support from members of his own party than his Democratic

predecessors Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton.

“There are just a lot fewer people who are going to shift

from one candidate or another. They’re just a lot more hardened

on either side,” said Taylor Griffin, who advised Republican

nominee John McCain during the 2008 campaign.

For Republicans, Obama’s re-election poses uncomfortable

questions.

For the second election in a row, the Republican

presidential candidate has been unable to win more than 1 in 3

Hispanic voters, and the party could have an increasingly

difficult time competing in national elections if it fails to

make inroads among that rapidly growing slice of the electorate.

The party’s gravity center now rests in the House of

Representatives, where many lawmakers represent solidly

conservative districts. They face little incentive to compromise

on issues like immigration reform that could anger their base of

older, white voters.

Romney had to overcome lingering suspicion from

conservatives during the drawn-out battle for the Republican

nomination, and he was unable to appeal to independent swing

voters until the campaign’s closing month.

But many in the party are likely to conclude that they will

be better off nominating a more conservative candidate next

time, said Brookings Institution fellow John Hudak.

“The party is going to move right,” he said. “The line is

going to be, ‘See, we shouldn’t have nominated a moderate.'”

(Editing by Marilyn W. Thompson and Peter Cooney)